Principal Investigator Professor Nicholas Vincent will be speaking at a conference in Vienna on 18 September 12014: ‘Manu propria. Vom eigenhändigen
Schreiben der Mächtigen'. The conference brings together scholars working on
the palaeographic, administrative and cultural history of communication in
order to examine the role of writing in the exercise of power by popes,
cardinals, monarchs and magnates across Europe from the thirteenth to the
fifteenth century. Professor Vincent’s talk is titled ‘How Kingly were the King’s Letters? Personal Intervention in the Writing
of Royal Documents in England from the Beginnings to 1350.’ The full
conference programme can be found here.
Thursday, 11 September 2014
Tuesday, 9 September 2014
Magna Carta: the Bury St Edmunds Connection, 20 September 2014
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| Ruins of Bury St Edmunds Abbey |
Members of the Magna Carta Project will be
speaking at an upcoming conference at Bury St Edmunds: ‘Magna Carta: The Bury St Edmunds Connection’, on
Saturday 20 September 2014.
Project Co-investigator
Professor David Carpenter will speak about the meeting of King John’s barons
that took place at Bury St Edmunds in the autumn of 1214. The meeting is of
great importance in the story of Magna Carta, for it was there that the barons
swore that, if King John would not agree to rule justly, they would press their
demands by force. David will re-examine the evidence for this meeting and,
indeed, ask whether or not it actually took place.
Professor Nicholas Vincent,
Principal Investigator of the project, will speak about the place of Magna
Carta in the wider world. What continental influences went into the making of the Charter? How has it, in turn, influenced the law and government of the USA or
other parts of the world? Why does it enjoy iconic status not just in
England, but across four continents?
Co-investigator Professor Paul Brand will talk about Magna
Carta in the courts: its enforcement and interpretation 1215-1300. Magna Carta
was, of course, a major constitutional document but its individual clauses were
also invoked by litigants and the royal justices in the course of individual
cases heard in the courts.
The event will take place on 20
September at The Apex, Bury St Edmunds, from 10.00. Tickets can be purchased via the venue’s website.
Friday, 8 August 2014
Life in the Medieval Courtroom: podcast
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| Professor Paul Brand, Co-Investigator |
In June 2014, Professor Paul Brand, co-investigator on The Magna Carta Project, delivered the annual Pipe Roll Society lecture at the National Archives. Paul spoke about the records that survive for English royal courts in the 13th and 14th centuries and what we can learn from them about the realities of life in the courtroom.
Sunday, 27 July 2014
The Battle of Bouvines, 27 July 1214
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| The Battle of Bouvines, in BL Royal MS. 16 G VI f.379 |
The Battle
of Bouvines, fought on 27 July 1214, was one of the most influential battles in
European history, directing the fate of the kingdom of France, the Holy Roman
Empire and the Angevin dominions. In England, it was to lead to Magna Carta. Since
1204, when Philip Augustus had won Normandy from King John, the English king had
worked relentlessly to raise the funds needed to reverse his losses. His
demands pushed his subjects to the brink of rebellion. Defeat at Bouvines
sealed King Philip’s hold on Normandy and fuelled opposition to John’s rule in
England. In Sir James Holt’s words, ‘the road from Bouvines to Runnymede was
direct, short, and unavoidable.’
Defeat at French hands in 1214 was far from inevitable. John
sailed for Poitou in February, dispatching a force commanded by his
half-brother, William Longespée earl of Salisbury, to Flanders. Within weeks of
his arrival, John could write to William Marshal that ‘Hardly had I appeared
when twenty-six castles and fortified places opened their gates to me.’ He took
Nantes and then Angers, which submitted without a fight on 17 June.
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| Battle of Roche-aux-Moins, and Louis on the march, BL Royal MS. 16 G VI f.385 |
Understandably confident, John prepared to face French
forces. King Philip had headed north to Flanders to deal with John’s allies but
had left his son, Louis, in the south. Louis advanced toward Roche-aux-Moins,
where John was besieging the castle. It
was then that the rug was pulled from beneath John’s feet. On seeing Louis’
forces, the Poitevin barons refused to follow John into battle. Abandoning his
baggage and siege engines, John retreated hastily to La Rochelle. From there, on
9 July, he composed a letter to his barons in England pleading for reinforcements.
His appeal was in vain.
Yet the alliance formed by John remained formidable. Outside
the village of Bouvines, the combined forces of William Longespée, Otto of
Brunswick (Holy Roman Emperor and John’s nephew), and the counts of Flanders
and Boulogne prepared to meet King Philip. The allied commanders, after some
debate, chose a Sunday to attack. As this was a day when knights would not normally
bear arms, they hoped to take Philip by surprise. The French king was
sheltering from the heat of the sun in the shade of an ash tree when he was
brought the news that his enemies were arrayed for battle. Quickly raising
himself, he entered the nearby church of St Peter to offer a prayer (‘Lord, I
am but a man, but I am king’) before arming himself.
The two sides drew up an arrow’s shot apart. Both were
formed of three divisions. The French right was commanded by the duke of
Burgundy, its left by the bishop of Beauvais, and its centre by King Philip
himself. The count of Flanders led the allied left, the Emperor Otto its
centre, the earl of Salisbury its right. The fighting began, with each
contingent shouting its own battle-cry (‘Montjoie!’, ‘Boulogne!’, ‘Rome!’, ‘Regales!’).
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| A cavalry encounter at Bouvines, BL Royal MS. 16 G VI f.380v |
Combatants did not set out to kill but rather capture noble enemies,
in accordance with chivalric principles (indeed, the account of the Anonymous
of Béthune describes the battle as if it were a tournament, enacted through
a series of mêlées). Thus knights targeted the horses of opponents. King Philip
was unhorsed by Renaud, count of Boulogne, his erstwhile friend and now vehement
enemy. Set upon by Renaud’s men, Philip was saved by his household knight,
Peter Tristan, who shielded the king and offered him his horse. Meanwhile, three
of Otto’s mounts were killed beneath him, the last after it was stabbed in the eye
by Gerard La Truie, in a fearsome attack sanctioned by King Philip. Many horses were
to fall at Bouvines, as the eye-witness account of William the Breton reveals:
‘You could see horses here and there lying in the meadow and letting out their last breath; others, wounded in the stomach, were vomiting their entrails while others were lying down with their hocks severed; still others wandered here and there without their masters and freely offered themselves to whomever wanted to be transported by them: there was scarce a spot where one did not find corpses or dying horses stretched out.’
(It is, perhaps, telling that accounts of the battle make
much of the killing and wounding of horses under knights, but little of the
death of foot soldiers, who must have died in great numbers).
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| Flight of the imperial army at Bouvines, BL Royal MS. 16 G VI f.381v |
The decisive moment in the battle came when the allies’
right division, under the earl of Salisbury, advanced at an angle toward King
Philip’s central force. The French left, headed by Philip of Dreux, the bishop
of Beauvais, confronted the attack. The bishop was an old enemy of the
Angevins. He had been captured by John in 1197, leading a sortie from his city
to meet John’s forces, and brought bound before Richard the Lionheart. According
to the History of William Marshal, the sight had gladdened the English
king, who hated Philip of Dreux almost more than any other. Richard declared
him: ‘a robber, a tyrant and an arsonist, who so loved waging war that he
devastated the whole of my land and pillaged it night and day.’ It was
forbidden for clerics to shed blood, a ban the bishop of Beauvais defied; as
Richard complained, ‘it was not as a bishop that he was taken captive but as a
knight of great reputation, fully armed and with his helmet laced.’ Now, at
Bouvines, he faced the English contingent wielding his mace. Launching himself
at William Longespée, he dealt such a blow that he shattered the earl’s helmet.
Thrown to the ground, the earl was captured. So too were the counts of Flanders
and Boulogne and a host of allied knights. Otto fled the field, having been
provided with a horse by Guy d’Avesne to replace his dying mount.
After three hours of brutal fighting in the blazing July sun,
Philip’s forces had triumphed. For the allies it was, in the words of the History
of William Marshal, an ‘ignominious rout’. 400 miles away in Bouteville,
south-east of La Rochelle, John was yet to know that his dreams of recovering
Normandy had been crushed.
Note on sources: the Battle of Bouvines is described in
several sources, including the eye-witness (though partisan) account of William
the Breton. Many of these were translated into French by George Duby for the
appendices of his Le Dimanche de Bouvines (Paris, 1973), and translated
into English from the French in the English edition of Duby’s work, The
Legend of Bouvines (Cambridge, 1990). The battle is also outlined in History
of William Marshal, ed. A. J. Holden and trans. S. Gregory (London, 2004),
II, lines 14787-14839. The various accounts are synthesised in the narrative of
the battle provided by Jim Bradbury in his Philip Augustus: King of France 1180-1223
(London, 1998). John’s capture of the bishop of Beauvais in 1197 is described
by Roger of Howden (The Annals of Roger de Hoveden, trans. H. T. Riley
(London, 1852), II,396 – a reference I owe to Marc Morris), and Richard I’s
enmity for the bishop is stressed in the History of William Marshal, lines
11267-11286, and 11579-11626 (drawn to my attention by Elizabeth
Chadwick).
Thursday, 24 July 2014
Tournaments and Chivalry: Hugh Doherty on 'Making History'
Hugh Doherty, of the Magna Carta Project, made an appearance this week on BBC Radio 4's Making History (22/07/14). The programme, presented by Helen Castor, featured a discussion of medieval tournaments and their modern recreation. Hugh explained how tournaments evolved through the Middle Ages and how they were connected with the ideals of chivalry.
Monday, 21 July 2014
Magna Carta mansion on sale for £3.95 million
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| The 17th century mansion that might mark the spot where Magna Carta was sealed, in 1215 |
Magna Carta Project Principal Investigator Nicholas Vincent was
quoted in the Wall Street Journal last week (17 July), about a private island on the
Thames that has recently come up for sale. The island, Nick verifies, is one candidate
for the spot where the first issue of Magna Carta was sealed by King John, in
1215. The island is now the site of a seventeenth-century mansion,
which features a ‘Magna Carta Memorial Room’. At the heart of the room is a
stone upon which, a former owner claimed, King John sealed the Charter. The
mansion will be listed at £3.95 million.
Read the full Wall Street Journal article here.
The property details can be viewed via Sotheby's International Realty UK here.
Project Co-investigator Louise Wilkinson has since been quoted, on the claim that it was this island that hosted the sealing of Magna Carta, in an article in The Independent (22 July), here.
The property details can be viewed via Sotheby's International Realty UK here.
Project Co-investigator Louise Wilkinson has since been quoted, on the claim that it was this island that hosted the sealing of Magna Carta, in an article in The Independent (22 July), here.
Wednesday, 16 July 2014
The Penitent King: John submits to archbishop Langton, July 1213
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| King David submits to the reprimand of the prophet Nathan (BL Royal MS. 2 B VII f.58) |
Langton,
together with the bishops of London, Ely, Lincoln and Hereford, met King John
at Winchester on 20 July. The choice of time and place was significant. Langton
had chosen to cross the Channel on a Tuesday – a special day for anyone who,
like Langton, was devoted to St Thomas Becket, because it was that day that
famously hosted so many of the important events of Becket’s life. To those
watching in 1213, Langton’s return might have looked like an ultimatum to King
John: choose the path of your father, Henry II, and let this conflict degenerate
or choose the path of peace. It was also important that the meeting took place at
Winchester. The feast-day of the city’s patron, St Swithun, fell on 15 July,
meaning that the city would still be celebrating. Winchester Cathedral
was also the coronation church of the Anglo-Saxon kings, and it was St
Edward the Confessor who was held up as the model of good kingship for his Angevin
successors.
The
scene, as the bishops met the king, was a dramatic one. King John fell down at
the feet of the bishops, weeping profusely, and implored them to have mercy on
him and the kingdom of England. The bishops lifted him from the ground and led
him into the cathedral. In the chapter house, they sung the fiftieth psalm:
‘Have mercy on me, O God, [and] blot out my
iniquity... For I know my iniquity, and my sin is always before me... Deliver me from blood, O God, thou God of my salvation: and my tongue shall
extol thy justice.’
John
swore, with his hand on the Holy Gospels, to defend the Church and her clergy, to
destroy iniquitous laws and revive the good laws of his ancestors, especially
those of King Edward, and to provide justice for all his people. He also
promised to restore Church property that he had seized during the interdict,
and offered fealty to Pope Innocent and his successors. The bishops absolved
him and then, after Mass had been celebrated, they all sat down with the
assembled magnates to enjoy a feast.
With
the benefit of hindsight, we know that John hadn't been reformed in spirit as
the bishops had hoped, and that his relationship with his subjects was to
deteriorate to the point of civil war. So
it's easy to question John’s sincerity in 1213: was he really sorry for his
actions? were his tears genuine? But his meeting with the bishops has to be
seen in the context of two, related, traditions. The first was an ancient and
widely-used practice that allowed warring groups to make peace through ritual
submission, by which one party would publicly humble himself and beg for
forgiveness. The second was a long-held
custom that allowed archbishops of Canterbury and their colleagues to reprimand the king when he behaved immorally or illegally. This special power was drawn
from the Old Testament prophets, like Samuel and Nathan, who had chastised kings
for their wayward behaviour. By such an act, it was hoped, just and equitable
rule could be restored to the kingdom and civil war could be prevented.
In
this respect, the bishops’ actions in 1213 ultimately failed. But
reconciliation with the Church was a vital step towards any future settlement.
It allowed Langton and his colleagues to act as peacemakers in 1215, and to
help negotiate the terms of peace between the king and his subjects that were embodied
in the Charter of Runnymede. Thus the penitence of a king not otherwise known for his humility has a pivotal place in the story of Magna Carta.
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